|Framing of 'normal nationalism' in alexei navalny's livejournal blog /
|Translation of Title
|„Normalaus nacionalizmo“ įrėminimas Aleksėjaus Navalno LiveJournal tinklaraštyje.
|Alexei Navalny, normal, nationalism, framing, frame, blog, livejournal, national identity, discourse, Russia, Navalnas, nacionalizmas
|The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny’s framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen’s research on how A. Navalny constructs “normal nationalism” in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny’s discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny’s ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny’s personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen’s research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny’s discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.